The Baha’i Faith in America as Panopticon, 1963-1997
Juan R. I. Cole
( Professor of History at the University of Michigan )
Originally published in The Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 37, No. 2 (June 1998): 234-248. Digitally republished here with additional notations, May, 1999.
Despite the large literature on American religious bodies, some groups remain curiously off-limits to careful investigation. In many instances, these largely unstudied contemporary faiths carefully cultivate public images that hide important facets of their outlook and internal workings. Thus, the collapse of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh’s
Here I wish to examine social control mechanisms in the American Baha’i community. These include mandatory prepublication censorship of everything Baha'is publish about their religion, administrative expulsion, blackballing, shunning and threats of shunning. What are the ideological bases of these control mechanisms? How is power attained and managed in a lay community without a clergy? I wish to stress here that this article is not concerned with the essence or scriptures or theology of the religion, but with the actualities of its day-to-day technologies of control. Many of my remarks cannot be generalized to other national communities, and concern mainly the
Anyone familiar with the public relations literature produced by the movement will be surprised at the description of control mechanisms given above, since Baha’is are often grouped in the media with Unitarian-Universalists. Why should the Baha’i authorities wish to project an image more liberal than the reality? First, the movement’s scriptures are liberal in their orientation, and as a result even administratively conservative Baha'i leaders support the U.N. and race unity, and pay lip service to the rule of law. But when it comes to the internal governance of the religion, the same leaders wield these control mechanisms to enforce on prominent believers what might be thought of as “party discipline” in the Marxist sense. Second, Baha’i leaders are aware that if the
In the past, the paucity of anything but official literature formed a difficulty in studying the approximately 60,000 adult American Baha’is, but the emergence of Baha’i electronic mail forums in the 1990s has led to the airing of Baha’i individual opinions in public. I will outline some key control mechanisms employed in the
Historical Background of the American Baha’i Community
The religion was founded in the Middle East in 1863 by the Iranian prophet Baha'u'llah (1817-1892), who taught the unity of the world religions and the unity of humankind from his place of exile in
In 1963, the American Baha’i community had about 10,000 adherents. Here, the religion felt the impact of the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, the youth counterculture, and Watergate. The late 1960s and the 1970s were for many Americans a period of profound disillusionment with their social norms and government institutions (Bellah 1976; Wuthnow 1976). This dissatisfaction significantly raised the number of potential converts to less well known religious bodies. Suddenly, the Baha’is' proselytizing ("teaching") efforts, which had had only desultory results previously, reaped tens of thousands of converts. "From 13,000 in 1969, the U.S. Baha’i community grew to 18,000 in 1970; to 31,000 in 1971; 40,000 in 1972; and 60,000 by 1974" (Stockman 1994:18). (Note, however, that Stockman is reporting all the persons who ever registered as members without formally withdrawing, whereas Baha’i authorities soon lost track of about half of them; these persons are unlikely still to be Baha’is.). There were relatively few Baha’i youth (ages 15-21) in the community in 1968, but by the early 1970s there were some 19,000. The influx of youth created frictions with the older Baha’is. Some large proportion of the converts from the youth culture subsequently withdrew (cf. Caton in Hollinger 1992:264-271). Some of those who remained went on to obtain higher degrees, giving the community for the first time a significant number of intellectuals, though these remained poorly integrated into the Baha’i milieu. The Baha’i administration was to have increasing problems with these intellectuals’ “culture of critical discourse” (Gouldner, 1979) in subsequent years. By 1978, the Baha’i administration claimed 77,396 members, though it had confirmed addresses for only 48,357 of these, and the number of youth had fallen to only about 3,500 (National Spiritual Assembly of the U.S. 1979).
In the early 1970s, as a result of proselytizing by young people, thousands of rural African-Americans in
his study of 25 years of national elections led him to think that there would be very little variability in the ethnic makeup of the N.S.A. membership, that a specific ratio of racial diversity was carefully being maintained (sort of an enhanced tokenism?), and that there were lots of fears by the powers that be that if the mass teaching in the south had been allowed to go forward at full steam that a black N.S.A. majority would probably have been elected, so the mass teaching was stopped. (Talisman, April 1996)
Of course, this is only one opinion, and my be incorrect, but the quote shows that some African-American Baha’is entertained these doubts. It does seem clear that the U.S. Baha'i authorities (unlike their Indian counterparts) chose to impose the sort of controls that might risk stagnation rather than take a chance on vast but uncontrolled growth. An eyewitness told me that House of Justice member Ali Nakhjavani deplored the decision as having set back the U.S. Baha’i community “by a generation.” On the other hand, the N.S.A. did show concern to socialize the new Southern African-American converts to Baha'i values; admitted a representative of that community to the N.S.A.; and has done community service work, including setting up a radio station in South Carolina.
The next large-scale event involved the immigration to the
The period after 1979 was a time of big changes in the
Isolating Beliefs and Practices
What are the beliefs and practices that underpin the control mechanisms practiced by Baha’i institutions? Baha’is are encouraged to relocate so as to serve as lay missionaries in a place with few Baha’is, in their own countries or abroad. Since these policies began in the 1930s and 1940s most Baha’i communities have been small, ranging from a handful to forty members, with only a few communities much bigger. Participation in the larger communities can be quite demanding, since the Baha’i faith lacks a professional clergy and all the religion's work must be done by lay officials and by volunteers. A secondary effect of these practices is that an active Baha’i often moves far away from or is too busy to see much of non-Baha’i family and friends and is left highly dependent on Baha’i social networks, and is thus vulnerable to pressure for conformity from Baha’i institutions.
A significant way in which Baha’is are isolated from mainstream society is the ban on participation in politics. Things were not always thus. In nineteenth-century Iran Baha’is sometimes held high political office, and some Baha’i intellectuals were important in agitating for constitutionalism and an end to absolutism. `Abdu'l-Baha made a distinction between those living under absolute monarchies and those living in republics. "Now, as the government of
In the 1930s Shoghi Effendi called a halt to Baha’i involvement in party politics, and his policy has hardened into a Baha’i principle (Hornsby 1982:329). He took this step in part because the Iranian community under the Pahlavi dictatorship withdrew or was excluded from public affairs, and he appears to have felt that Iranian Baha'i values should be normative world-wide. He also was concerned that partisan political disputes had polarized major Baha’i communities such as that of
The Baha’is’ inability to belong to political parties, vote in primaries that require party affiliation, contest partisan elections, contribute to political campaigns, or even express political views, detracts from their ability to participate fully in the affairs of the republic and in some important respects isolates them from the larger U.S. society. Indeed, Baha’is are not only excluded from belonging to political parties, but also from membership in activist organizations such as Amnesty International (Universal House of Justice 1993). Baha’is do partipate in some institutions of civil society, especially at the local level. But on the whole they have fewer institutional affiliations outside their religion than is common among Americans, which gives Baha’i leaders greater leverage over them.
Another way in which many Baha’is are isolated from non-Baha’i social supports is their disparagement of the institutions and values of mainstream American society. Many Baha’is exalt their own community, values and procedures, and denigrate those of what they call the "Old World Order." The U.S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights are often criticized by conservative Baha’is as embodying Old World Order values inferior to those found in Baha’i writings. Baha’i antagonism to existing American society is expressed in a number of ways. Among the symbolically most powerful is a widespread Baha’i belief in what is called the "Calamity," an apocalyptic event or set of events that will radically change American society and lay the foundation for the mass adoption of the Baha’i faith (Smith 1982; Caton in Hollinger 1992:269). Mainstream Baha’is seldom set precise dates for the Calamity, in contrast to tiny sectarian movements such as the Jensenites in
Many Baha’is believe that their ecclesiastical institutions will eventually supplant the
Baha’is invest their religious institutions with great authority, since many do not see them--as Protestants would--as a mere church, but rather as an embryonic theocracy (in this they resemble the Khomeinists). Many, perhaps most American Baha’is believe that the House of Justice in
Divine Elections
Many control mechanisms relate to the electoral system and the realities of power in the community. Early American Baha’is lacked a clergy, electing lay leaders. They allowed nominations to be made for Baha’i office, and also allowed campaigning for Baha’i office. When early American Baha’is asked `Abdu'l-Baha how they should conduct elections for local spiritual assemblies he replied that they should follow the rules for election common in their own country (`Abdu’l-Baha 1908-1916: I,7). Van den Hoonard points out that nominations and canvassing for Baha’i office were standard practice in
Baha’i elective institutions are not beholden to the electorate, and may decide as they please. No public criticism of Baha’i institutions is permitted, though private criticism, in the form of individual letters to the institution or comments at Baha’i-only administrative gatherings is said to be allowed (Universal House of Justice 1988, 1989). Persistent public criticism of Baha'i institutions by a Baha’i is considered a contravention of the Baha'i “covenant,” and is often branded a “dishonest attack” on the Baha'i faith, punishable by shunning. After a vote has been taken, all the members of the Baha’i community must support the result, and defeated minorities may not continue to criticize (Hornsby 1983:31). This procedure assumes that after some time, if the adopted policy is a poor one, the community will come somehow to recognize its inadequacy, and will adopt a new policy. This theory of political behavior denies the need for checks and balances.
The placing of elected bodies above public criticism and the silencing of defeated minorities has had predictable effects at the national level. Since 1961, no member of the National Spiritual Assembly of the
For example, [N.S.A.. Secretary Robert]
Baha’i critics of the system allege that electoral results are skewed in three ways.
The National Spiritual Assembly enjoys all the advantages of incumbency, controlling the image of incumbents in the national newspaper, The American Baha'i (an organ of the N.S.A.), sending videotapes of the incumbents to local communities, and sending members around to conferences, which enhances their visibility (all this is paid for out of the national Baha'i fund). These advantages of incumbency are especially efficacious in a system where no campaigning for office by others is allowed. Second, they allege that sitting members often promote close associates onto the body, “flying them around to conferences,” appointing them to high-powered national committees, and giving them prominence at important events (personal communication, May, 1996). Since speaking openly about candidates is not allowed, subtle non-verbal signals have taken on extreme importance for delegates, who seem willing to be guided by the incumbents in these indirect ways. At the very least, there is a widespread perception among some portions of the community that such subtle signals from incumbents do form a sort of nomination procedure. In the 1970s an African-American prominent in the proselytization campaign in
he was asked if he wanted to be part of an orchestration of the N.S.A. [National Spiritual Assembly] election. He said that it was understood that the people that gained visibility when chosen to read prayers on the big stage at national convention had been "blessed" by the powers that be. He told them that he was not interested in being a prayer reader. (Talisman, April 1996).
Obviously, launching a campaign for the N.S.A. involves rather more than is indicated above, but this recollection does show how the semiotics of prominence are thought by many to operate at the National Convention. Third, some grassroots campaigns are launched by unannounced candidates who go about the country giving talks. Such informal campaigning is generally permitted as long as the candidate does not criticize the National Spiritual Assembly, does not explicitly ask for votes, and waits patiently for a slot to open up on that body. The National Spiritual Assembly occasionally stops such grassroots campaigns by ordering the person’s talks cancelled, or, if chairmanship of a national committee is becoming a platform for popularity, by firing the individual (Anon. 1992). Conservative Baha’is deny that there is any manipulation of elections, which they see as divinely inspired.
Control Mechanisms and Sanctions
Baha’i leaders employ a number of important control mechanisms to shape the speech and behavior of Baha’is. These include removal of voting rights, shunning, demands for conformity, accusations of “weakness in the covenant,” informing and surveillance, and various forms of censorship. Many of these tools are employed primarily against persons who are somehow prominent or appear to have leadership potential but do not seem easy for incumbents to control, or against intellectuals and some businessmen engaged in Baha’i-related businesses.
The prohibition of nominations and campaigning leads administrators to feel a need for strict controls on Baha’i discourse, and often to the avoidance of even mentioning leaders by name in public, which would be construed as “backbiting.” The ban on campaigning can become a ban on visibility or on any sort of critical thinking. A group of Californian believers began a Baha'i magazine, Dialogue, in the mid-1980s. Although all the articles were submitted for prepublication censorship to the National Spiritual Assembly, a feeling of distrust toward the magazine’s left-liberal editorial line grew up in Wilmette and in
Baha’i administrators put a high premium on enforcing relative conformity of views within the religion, taking steps to prevent the emergence of self-conscious subcultures, which are seen as “parties” and as divisive. Despite the clear ideological divide in the community between liberals and conservatives apparent on email forums, Baha’is are forbidden to label one another in this way, which effectively prevents liberals from complaining about the conservative ascendancy. Although the early Baha’i faith had a place in it for cohesive sub-groups of mystics and scholars, the contemporary American community places a premium on homogeneity. Legitimate leadership is held to be collective, though cults of personality do grow up around Baha’i officials. Great suspicion attaches to any Baha’i teacher or lecturer who is not an elected or appointed official and is thought to be “gaining a following.” The story of one such popular Baha’i lecturer in the 1980s, an immigrant from
Under the auspices of the California Regional Teaching Committee he began to do classes . . . on personal reading of the [sacred] Text. These were very widely attended . . . One day after about 4 or 5 months a representative of the CA RTC said that the N.S.A. was very concerned about the extreme adulation being shown to [Ibrahim], some of which was expressed in letters to the
While a Baptist preacher would have been rewarded for such activities with his own congregation, the collectivist ethos of the American Baha’i community demanded that this popular preacher actually be silenced for his success.
Among important control mechanisms at the disposal of Baha’i leaders is the removal of a believer's "administrative rights." By virtue of joining the Baha’i faith, all adult believers have the right to vote directly for members of their local spiritual assembly, and to vote at District Convention for their delegate to the annual National Convention, who in turn elects the members of the National Spiritual Assembly each year. Elections of local and national assemblies are conducted according to the "Australian" system, such that the nine persons garnering the most votes win. Every five years, members of the world's National Spiritual Assemblies elect the members of the Universal House of Justice. One's administrative rights also include holding elective office and attendance at the nineteen-day feast, a combination of worship service and church business meeting. Administrative rights are required for participation in a Baha’i marriage ceremony, and only those in possession of these rights may contribute money to the Baha’i faith. Many conferences, and even some email forums, such as Bahai-Discuss, are for Baha’is in good standing only. Local spiritual assemblies may not revoke a believer's administrative rights, but may recommend that the National Spiritual Assembly do so. For the most part the National Spiritual Assembly takes such a step because a believer has repeatedly broken some Baha’i law in a public way--participation in civil politics, belonging to another religious organization, drinking alcohol, gambling, having an affair, homosexuality, failure to abide by Baha’i marriage laws (which require the consent of both parties' parents), or breaking a civil law of some seriousness (Hornsby 1983: 39-51). Those whose rights are removed can no longer serve as public speakers in Baha'i settings, and, if writers, are usually unable to convince Baha'i publishers to publish them. In some instances the N.S.A. has removed rights for essentially political reasons, because a believer has publicly or even privately criticized (Baha’is would say “slandered”) the National Spiritual Assembly. A debate on this issue broke out in fall, 1995 on the email network, Talisman, in which liberals pointed out that here the National Spiritual Assembly acted as both plaintiff and judge. Most participants defended the current procedures, on the grounds that Shoghi Effendi had given this prerogative only to National Spiritual Assemblies and had specified that assembly members who were party to a dispute with an individual Baha’i should not recuse themselves in deciding that person’s fate.
Baha’is who publicly disagree (e.g. on email lists) with policies of the Baha'i institutions can also simply be dropped from the rolls and declared non-members, as happened to Canadian fantasy writer and editor Michael McKenny in July, 1997. The most serious sanction of all is being declared a “covenant breaker.” Although Baha’u’llah himself attempted to abolish the practices of shunning and ritual pollution, contemporary Baha’is, like members of the Watchtower and other cults, shun those who are excommunicated. Only the head of the Baha’i faith can impose this punishment, so that this authority now rests with the House of Justice. Whereas loss of voting rights does not necessarily speak to one's spiritual well-being, being declared a covenant-breaker makes one spiritually condemned. Baha’is are not to speak to or have anything to do with covenant breakers (Hornsby 1983: 148-153). Baha’i friends and family, including the spouse, cut the covenant breaker off. Rank and file Baha’is take the obligation of shunning very seriously, and being cast out from one’s support network can be devastating. This punishment typically is imposed upon a Baha’i who has come into direct conflict with the head of the religion. Most often this is because the individual has put forth a competing claim and attempted to form a Baha’i sect, or because a Baha’i has chosen to join or associate with such a sect. Baha’i officials sometimes even declare ex-Baha’is covenant-breakers. In late 1996 in
Although Baha’i authorities do not appear to intervene in individuals' secular businesses that are licit in Baha’i law, they do feel it their prerogative to interfere with Baha’i businesses that pursue activities directly related to the Baha’i faith. Thus, the making and marketing of Baha’i-related jewelry and decorations is strictly monitored and individuals can be ordered to desist from such activities. Music by Baha'i musicians with Baha'i lyrics must be “reviewed.” The National Spiritual Assembly claims the prerogative of telling private Baha’i publishers what Baha’i-related books they may or may not publish, and even of ordering the deletion of certain passages from both secondary and primary sources (MacEoin 1992:i). During the build-up to the 1991 Baha’i World Congress in
Conformity of views and behavior is a strong value, and deviation from stock phrases and ideas is looked upon with considerable suspicion (Johnson 1997). Despite the existence of New Age and liberal subcultures, the most widespread approach in the American Baha’i community to scriptural exegesis is literalism, as in fundamentalist Protestantism. Administrative practice is based largely on a literalist reading of Shogh Effendi's English-language letters concerning the development of the Western Baha'i communities. Although Baha’is supposedly believe in the "unity of science and religion," in practice most U.S. Baha’is put a literalist interpretation of scripture above science. Recently Counselors have begun demanding assent to a literalist approach to Baha'i scripture from liberal Baha’i academics, on pain of being shunned (Birkland 1996).
The community employs a number of mechanisms to impose doctrinal and behavioral conformity. One is to charge that a speaker with whom one disagrees is weak in or actually undermining the Covenant by his or her words. This tactic was employed to disrupt an academic conference on Baha'u'llah's Most Holy Book held in
Informing, which is officially encouraged, forms another important control mechanism. If accusations of covenant breaking do not cow the liberal, the conservative Baha’i will often "report" the offender to the spiritual assembly or to a member of the increasingly clergy-like Institution of the Learned. In the
Some anecdotes illustrate these practices. A Baha’i professional attended meetings of a special-interest group for Baha’is, in the mid-1980s. At one of these he suggested that the phrase "world government," employed by Baha’is, was off-putting to most Americans and that Baha’is should find a different terminology. (Conformity to the vocabulary of Shoghi Effendi is an especially strong value, which this individual's remark violated). He says that as a result, a member of the National Spiritual Assembly put a fellow conference participant "under secret orders" to keep an eye on him, but that the person recruited to spy on him later confessed this to him (personal communication, 1996). It was alleged to me that this National Spiritual Assembly member maintained a network of informers nationally.
Ross Summers, a health care professional in
Censorship
The Baha’i faith imposes a system of in-house censorship on all Baha’is (Johnson 1997, Rifkin 1997), just as most Middle Eastern governments have practiced censorship since the rise of printing in the nineteenth century. Within the Baha’i religion, any piece of writing by a Baha’i author about the religion intended for publication is to be vetted by elected Baha’i officials at the appropriate level (local, national, international). This requirement has provoked many conflicts between Baha’i officials and writers over the years. Critics charge that it has led to a paucity of intellectually acute Baha’i literature, to a lack of independent magazines and to the withdrawal of a number of Baha’i writers. The innovative research findings of the new generation of Baha’i academics has in particular brought them into conflict with the conservatives in charge of the censorship apparatus. Although Baha’i officials insist that the censorship requirement (“literature review”) is “temporary,” it has already lasted nearly a century, and the House of Justice has made it clear that it intends to keep it in effect for a very long time. And although it is sometimes alleged that “review” protects Baha'i authors, in practice even work submitted for review, such as the Dialogue “Modest Proposal,” can attract sanctions. Prepublication censorship has been among the primary techniques by which Baha’i authors have been prevented from publishing on the controversies of contemporary Baha’i history, and it is notable that the history of the community since about 1950 has not been written about in any detail. Contemporary history is off-limits as a subject because it would involve making value judgments on present office-holders. It is often alleged by Baha'i conservatives that “literature review” does not actually impede the publication of research findings. But in 1988 the all-male House of Justice permanently suppressed an academic paper arguing that women could serve on the UHJ, insisting that only men could serve.
Although the emergence of email discussion groups and of the World Wide Web pose profound challenges to the Baha’i system of internal censorship, Baha’i institutions have moved aggressively to retain control in the new environment. For instance, the major usenet list, Soc.Religion.Bahai, which is the most prominent site for posting about the religion, is a moderated list; its editors tend to be fairly conservative; and they report to a local spiritual assembly and an auxiliary board member about policy, and sometimes receive directives from counselors. They limit the posting of criticisms of Baha’i institutions or any statements that too profoundly challenge Baha’i orthodoxy (sometimes posting a few such criticisms and then “calling a halt” to the discussion). When Baha’i Frederick Glaysher began a campaign for an unmoderated usenet list, the rank and file Soc.Religion.Bahai posters were overwhelmingly negative about the idea, and heavily voted against it. (Admittedly Glaysher, a pugnacious poster, was not the ideal publicist for the idea). One Baha'i wrote, “This is not a first amendment issue, I must tell you. As I understand it, the Faith, our part in the Covenant, implies that we remain silent and accept certain things that we, as Americans, are culturally trained to disobey or complain about in public.”
Baha'i authorities have dealt with email forums through post-publication censorship, similar to that practiced by governments in the global South such as
This person . . . when he was an ABM [auxiliary board member] he developed a lot of contacts who would say something like `this situation might interest you. Do you want me to forward the info to you.’ And he always said yes. And these people continue forwarding stuff to him. Consequently he claims to get scads of mail – much of which he simply doesn't even read. But he does read some, including [confidential messages] (personal communication, 23 September 1996).
Active officials receive many more such forwardings of confidential material and reports. An example of how this system works concerns a woman on the email forum, Bahai-Discuss, who argued to a believer in
Even more serious charges can be made. In April, 1996, the counselors launched charges against a number of prominent liberal posters to the Talisman@indiana.edu listserv, alleging that the posters had "made statements contrary to the Covenant" (Johnson 1997). The list had been a site for discussing issues such as the need to contextualize Baha'i scripture in Middle Eastern history in order to understand its implications, the potential limits on the infallibility of the House of Justice, the possibility of women serving on that institution, and the pros and cons of official “literature review.” Criticisms were also voiced of past administration actions. The Baha'i authorities, viewing such discussions as a form of public dissent and even “slander,” threatened to have these individuals shunned if they continued posting on such subjects. As a result, the list-owner closed the list down in May of that year, some of the accused withdrew from the religion (the author among them [though he maintains his private faith]), and others fell silent. A prominent academic who had posted on Talisman received a threatening letter from Counselor Stephen Birkland stating that
“the International Teaching Centre has asked me--with the knowledge of the Universal House of Justice--to warn you that your promulgation of views contrary to the Teachings was damaging to the Cause. If you were to resume in any fashion this course of action, the effect would be to bring you into direct conflict with the Covenant” (Birkland 1996).
This is a warning that the recipient will be declared a covenant breaker if he does not fall silent. The archived email messages the counselor had collected from the academic, which he sent along as examples of what would not be tolerated, included statements that Baha’i metaphysics had a Neoplatonic background, that contrary to `Abdu’l-Baha’s statements Socrates had not conversed with Hebrew prophets in the Holy Land, and that the Universal House of Justice was not infallible in its choice of building materials for construction projects in Haifa. More serious was a private posting the academic had accidentally sent out making light of the Wilmette administration, expressing pleasure that it had so far not dared close down Talisman, and batting down the idea broached by one angry liberal of forming an organization. This posting was seen as evidence of a conspiracy.
Conclusion
Baha’i authorities exercise a great deal of control over discourse in the community, maintaining a virtual monopoly on mass media with a Baha’i audience. This control is felt necessary in part to prevent electioneering and coalition-forming, which are formally barred (despite the informal campaigning discussed above). It is perhaps not incidental that the controls on electioneering and other forms of communication have the side effect of ensuring that criticism of those in power cannot achieve wide circulation, and that the incumbents who exercise that control are reelected every year. Incumbents act aggressively against Baha’i owners of media who demonstrate too much independence. They monitor the speech of individuals extensively through a system of informants, and intervene behind the scenes to silence dissidents with threats of sanctions. They require prepublication censorship of everything Baha’is write about their religion. They intervene in the private businesses of believers where they think the interests of the administration are at stake. They tell private Baha’i publishers what books and even what passages in books they may and may not publish. They employ the threats of loss of administrative rights, humiliation in the national Baha’i newspaper, and even of shunning, in order to control believers.
Having Baha’is inform on their co-believers allows the administration to discover nonconformists who might not toe the party line, and to monitor their activities. The system operates so as to maintain the “orthodox” ideology in power and prevent the election to that institution of dissenters through identifying them and ensuring that they do not become visible in the community. The practice of informing creates a panopticon, as described by Michel Foucault in his discussion of Jeremy Bentham's ideas on penal reform (Foucault 1979). Bentham argued that putting the criminal constantly under observation would deter him from further criminal acts, and would even cause him eventually to internalize the sense of constantly being watched, thus becoming permanently reformed. Conventional Baha’is often never discover the informant system, since they never trip the wire that would lead to their being informed on. The independent-minded, however, usually discover it fairly early in their Baha’i careers, and then have to decide whether they wish to live the rest of their lives in a panopticon. This practice, like many other control mechanisms, discourages spiritual entrepreneurship and keeps the religion from growing in the West.
References
`Abdu’l-Baha
1909-1916 Tablets of Abdul Baha Abbas.
Anon.
1992 “Eternal Success.” Diary of a National Baha'i Committee Chairman, 1982.
Aull, Brian
1992 "Civil Disobedience and Partisan Politics," Soc.Religion.Bahai, May 18.
Bellah, Robert
1976 “New Religious Consciousness and the Crisis of Modernity,” in R. Bellah and C. Glock, eds., The New Religious Consciousness.
Birkland, Counselor Stephen
1996 Letter of 16 July to a Baha’i academic.
Available on the World Wide Web at: http://www-personal.umich.edu/~jrcole/bahai/bhcouns.htm
Caton, Peggy
1992 "A History of the Sacramento Baha’i Community, 1912-1987," in Hollinger,
Community Histories (see below), pp. 241-280.
Cole, Juan R.I.
1992 "Iranian Millenarianism and Democratic Thought in the Nineteenth Century Middle East," International Journal of
Available on the World Wide Web at http://www-personal.umich.edu/~jrcole/bhconst.htm
1998 Modernity and the Millennium: The Genesis of the Baha’i Faith in the Nineteen-Century
Collins, John J.
1991 The Cult Experience.
Dialogue Editorial Board
1987 “A Modest Proposal.” Unpublished typescript at
http://h-net2.msu.edu/~bahai/docs/vol2/modest.htm
Easterman, Daniel
1992 New Jerusalems.
Foucault, Michel
1979 Discipline and Punish.
Gouldner, Alvin.
1979 The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class.
Hardesty, Nancy A.
1993 “Masks of the sacred : religious pluralism in
Haukness, John.
1996 “Re: Discussing Theocracy.” Soc. Religion.Bahai. 1 April.
Hollinger, Richard, ed.
1992 Community Histories: Studies in the Babi and Baha’i Religions Volume 6,
Holmes, Stephen
1993 Anatomy of Anti-Liberalism.
Hornsby, Helen
1983 Lights of Guidance.
Johnson, K. Paul
1997 “Baha’i Leaders vexed by On-Line Critics.” Gnosis, no. 42 (Winter):9-10.
Also at http://bahai-library.org/newspapers/gnosis.talisman.html
MacEoin, Denis
1992 Sources for Early Babi Doctrine and History: A Survey.
National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’is of the
1979 "Membership Statistics for 1978."
Available at http://h-net2.msu.edu/~bahai/docs/vol2/usstats1.htm
1997 Annual Report, June 24, 1997.
Rabbani, Shoghi Effendi
1969 The World Order of Baha’u’llah.
Robarts, John A.
1993 “A Few Reminiscences of Shoghi Effendi.” In Association for Baha’i Studies, The Vision of Shoghi Effendi.
Rifkin, Ira
1997 “Critics Chafe at Baha’i Conservatism.” Religious News Service, 28 Feb.
Available at http://bahai-library.org/newspapers/chafe.html
Scholl, Steven.
1997 “Dialogue Thread on SRB,” 10 February. Soc.Religion.Bahai Archive. http://www.BCCA.Org/services/srb/archive/970101-970228/0992.html
Shupe, Anson.
1995 In the Name of All that’s Holy: A Theory of Clergy Malfeasance.
Soc.Religion.Bahai Usenet Archives
1992-1997 Available on the World Wide Web at
http://www.BCCA.Org/services/srb/archive/. (Searchable on Excite.)
Smith, Peter.
1982 "Millennialism in the Baha’i Faith." In Willis, ed., Millennialism and Charisma (see below).
1987 The Babi and Baha’i Religions: From Messianic Shi`ism to a World Religion.
Smith, Peter and Moojan Momen
1989 “The Baha’i Faith, 1957-1988.” Religion 19:63-91
Stark, Rodney and William Sims Bainbridge
1985 The Future of Religion.
Stockman, Robert H.
1985-1995 The Baha’i Faith in
1994 "The Baha’i Faith in
Talisman Archives
1994-1996 Available at http://www-personal.umich.edu/~jrcole/talisman.htm
van den Hoonard, Will C.
1996 The Origins of the Baha’i Community of
Universal House of Justice
1970 Wellspring of Guidance.
1976 Messages 1968-1973,
1988 Letter of 18 December on "Individual Rights and Freedoms."
1989 Letter of 21 June 1989 to Steven Scholl, posted on Talisman.
1993 Letter of 14 February concerning Amnesty International.
1996a Letter of 16 February to David House, posted on Talisman
1996b Letter of 10 April 1996, posted on Talisman
1996c Letter of 27 April to Sen McGlinn, posted on Talisman
1996d Letter of 12 December to the National Spiritual Assembly of
1997 Letter of 20 July to Susan Maneck.
Watler, Miguel
1996 “Re: Discussing Theocracy.” Soc.Religion.Bahai. 5 April.
Wuthnow, Robert
1976 The Consciousness Reformation.
---------------------------------------------------
Reference :
For main web page refer : http://www-personal.umich.edu/~jrcole/bahai/1999/jssr/bhjssr.htm
---------------------------------------------------